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Permanent contracts sanchez calvino diaz Pedro Sánchez with the ministers Nadia Calviño and Yolanda Díaz in the Congress of Deputies. Newtribuna ANTONIO We need your help to continue reporting Become a member of Nuevatribuna Previous article by Antonio Seoane A critical analysis of the labor counter-reform. Temporality and precariousness Second part The Constitution robbed us, as expected, of the Republic to which the majority of Spaniards aspired, according to Adolfo Suárez. He could have preserved the “workers” thing as the 1931 Constitution defined the form of State, but no. Nor did it “stick” much that Spain is a “parliamentary monarchy of workers”. We would soon find out that the social rule of law was for the workers, but without the workers. And, in order not to overdo it or choke, it had to be drunk in small sips. It would be missing more. There was no empathy left for the workers, the main collective actor of democratic change and perhaps for that very reason, despite being the ones who build the country and pay the State's heavy bill. All workers' rights, except for Freedom of Association and Strike , have been emptied of their content and degraded. The Constitutional Court itself has repeatedly declared that they are rights “of ordinary legality.
That is, rights whose content can be defined, repealed or modified by the ordinary legislator. In short, the “supposed constitutional right to work” does not even serve as an interpretative element. It is an empty right Malta Phone Number that each parliamentary majority can dress up and even disguise. And compatible with scandalous unemployment figures. In other words, a right equal to the others, but, unfortunately, less equal than the others. And so the Workers' Statute poorly copied the Italian norm of the same name, but cutting out what has been the favorite gerund since 1978. Until , when Mr. Rajoy launched the wildest of reforms. After his obvious lack of coordination, dyslalia or dyslexia, go ahead. Namely, he was well tied to the most radical theories of neoconservatism, following Pinochet and anticipating Trump and the teachers of both: the Chicago Boys . The so-called “disaster capitalism” basically consists of taking advantage of the shock of crises to promptly implement its deregulatory measures, destruction and subordination of the State, anti-union policies and, of course, lowering wage costs.
His, as I have repeatedly said, was the final point of a series of reforms carried out successively by socialists and popular ones, which, as their authors could and in fact foresaw, could only produce precariousness, unemployment and ultimately poverty and inequality. This reformist process had as its goal the progressive defenselessness of workers and the emptying of their rights or, where appropriate, their ineffectiveness. The only matter in which there was a certain reversal was in terms of temporary hiring of workers. And only since 1994. Of course, the legislation favoring temporary hiring had reached its climax with RD 1969/1984, which regulated for the first time the so-called “employment promotion contract.” The monster's father was a socialist (Almunia). According to this rule, any person registered as unemployed or requesting a job improvement in the Unemployment Office could be hired under this modality for a period of six months to three years, without their temporary nature being able to be discussed because these contracts were temporary. by its very nature, regardless of any other consideration.
That is, rights whose content can be defined, repealed or modified by the ordinary legislator. In short, the “supposed constitutional right to work” does not even serve as an interpretative element. It is an empty right Malta Phone Number that each parliamentary majority can dress up and even disguise. And compatible with scandalous unemployment figures. In other words, a right equal to the others, but, unfortunately, less equal than the others. And so the Workers' Statute poorly copied the Italian norm of the same name, but cutting out what has been the favorite gerund since 1978. Until , when Mr. Rajoy launched the wildest of reforms. After his obvious lack of coordination, dyslalia or dyslexia, go ahead. Namely, he was well tied to the most radical theories of neoconservatism, following Pinochet and anticipating Trump and the teachers of both: the Chicago Boys . The so-called “disaster capitalism” basically consists of taking advantage of the shock of crises to promptly implement its deregulatory measures, destruction and subordination of the State, anti-union policies and, of course, lowering wage costs.
His, as I have repeatedly said, was the final point of a series of reforms carried out successively by socialists and popular ones, which, as their authors could and in fact foresaw, could only produce precariousness, unemployment and ultimately poverty and inequality. This reformist process had as its goal the progressive defenselessness of workers and the emptying of their rights or, where appropriate, their ineffectiveness. The only matter in which there was a certain reversal was in terms of temporary hiring of workers. And only since 1994. Of course, the legislation favoring temporary hiring had reached its climax with RD 1969/1984, which regulated for the first time the so-called “employment promotion contract.” The monster's father was a socialist (Almunia). According to this rule, any person registered as unemployed or requesting a job improvement in the Unemployment Office could be hired under this modality for a period of six months to three years, without their temporary nature being able to be discussed because these contracts were temporary. by its very nature, regardless of any other consideration.